The civil war of the United States, rising out of the Southern rebellion, is the most important event in modern history, and will constitute the most instructive chapter in the annals of the American republic. It produced new policies in political parties, new and extraordinary action in the civil and military departments of the Government, developed the unselfish patriotism of the people, and brought out, in purity and efficiency, the Christian element of the nation. The thirteen colonies had, by a common patriotism and costly sacrifices in a successful and sublime struggle for liberty, achieved their independence, and founded a system of constitutional government unequalled for wisdom and excellence. Under the beneficent influences of their political and civil institutions, the nation advanced rapidly in prosperity and greatness, and soon rose to be a first-class political Power among the empires of earth.
Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, all industrial pursuits, in auspicious harmony with education, the arts and sciences, social culture, and the blessings of liberty and religion, had for eighty-four years poured out their blessings upon the nation. The prosperity and happiness of the people were unexampled in the history of the world.
In the midst of this national culture and prosperity at home, and of the highest international prestige abroad, the States of South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, Arkansas, Texas, Tennessee, and Virginia seceded from the Union and rebelled against the General Government.
The incipient stages of the rebellion, and its insidious progress and results, are summed up in the following statement made by Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War under President Lincoln's administration:-
War Department, Washington, Feb. 14, 1862.
The breaking out of a formidable insurrection, bafied on a conflict of political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, was necessarily attended with great confusion and perplexity of the public mind.
Disloyalty, before unsuspected, suddenly became bold, and treason astonished the whole world by bringing at once into the field military forces superior in numbers to the standing army of the United States.
Every department of the Government was paralyzed by treason. Defection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, and in the Federal courts. Ministers and consuls returned from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils or land or naval force. Commanding and other officers in the army and in the navy betrayed their councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and the postoffice services, as well as in the Territorial Governments and in the Indian reserves.
Not only Governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the States, but even whole States, rushed one after another, with apparent unanimity, into rebellion.
The capital was beleaguered, and its connection with all the States cut off. Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal, political combinations and societies were found furthering the work of disunion; while, from motives of disloyalty or cupidity, or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, materials of war, and supplies to the insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals, military posts and garrisons, one after another were betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed not to sustain the Government, but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention was openly invited and industriously instigated by the abettors of the insurrection; and it became imminent, and has only been prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with other nations. The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal Government, which one year ago had been thought a model worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain itself. Some reverses, which perhaps were unavoidable, suffered by newly-levied and insufficient forces, discouraged the loyal, and gave new hopes to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistment seemed to cease, and desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United States.
In this emergency, the President felt it his duty to employ with energy the extraordinary power which the Constitution confides to him in cases of insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces authorized by existing laws as seemed necessary. He directed measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable correspondence. He subjected those going to and from foreign countries to a new passport regulation; and he instituted a blockade, suspended the habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were represented to him as being engaged, or about to engage, in disloyal and treasonable practices, to be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies, and detained in military custody, when necessary, to prevent them and deter others from such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some of the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time, under circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with the public safety. Meantime, a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure of the Government is firm and stable. Apprehensions of public danger and facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions which prompted the heedless persons to adopt them.
The occasion of the rebellion was alleged violations of the constitutional rights of the Southern States by Congress and the Northern States, and the election of Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, as President of the United States, in 1860; but the cause of the rebellion was the long-cherished purpose of Southern politicians and statesmen to establish a Southern Confederacy on the basis of human bondage. This principle was announced by Alexander H. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, in these words:- "The foundations of the new Government are laid upon the great truth that slavery - subordination of an inferior race - is the negro's natural and moral condition; that it is the first Government in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth; and that THE STONE WHICH WAS REJECTED BY THE FIRST BUILDERS IS, IN THIS EDIFICE, BECOME THE CHIEF STONE OF THE CORNER."
On the 11th day of April, 1861, by the authority of the Southern Confederacy, Fort Sumter, the property of the United States, was fired upon, and surrendered; and this inaugurated the civil war. This fact thrilled the heart of the nation, and developed the patriotism and loyalty of the twenty millions of people in the Northern States. The sublime and universal uprising of the people to vindicate the insulted flag of the nation, to preserve the integrity of the Government and the unity of the republic, had no parallel in history, and was worthy of a free and Christian nation.
President Lincoln, who had been inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1861, convened Congress in extraordinary session on the Fourth of July, 1861, His message, after revealing the facts and causes connected with the rebellion, and recommending such measures as the imperilled condition of the Government and country required, closed with these words of Christian trust and courage:- "Having chosen our course without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear, and with manly hearts."
Congress, soon after its meeting, declared the object of the war, on the part of the General Government, in the following resolution:-
That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunuionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the constitutional Government and in arms around the capital; ihaly in this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or estahlished institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease.
This great conflict, in its progress, impressed the public mind with the providence and presence of God, and developed largely and hopefully the Christian element of the nation. All devout and thoughtful minds felt that God, while he chastened and humbled the nation on account of its sins, would again interpose for the preservation and perpetuity of the nation.
"I do not forget," says Choate, "that a power above man's power, a wisdom above man's wisdom, a reason above man's reason, may be traced, without the presumptuousness of fanaticism, in the fortunes of America. I do not forget that God has been in our history. Beyond that dazzling progress of art, society, thought, which is of his ordaining, although it may seem to a false philosophy a fatal and inevitable flaw, - beyond this, there has been, and there may be again, interposition, providential, exceptional, and direct, of that Supreme Agency without which no sparrow falleth."
This great conflict assumed, on the part of the North, the moral grandeur of a religious war; "not in the old fanatical sense of that phrase; not a war of violent excitement and passionate enthusiasm; not a war in which the crimes of cruel bigots are laid to the charge of a Divine impulse; but a war by itself, waged with dignified and solemn strength, with clean hands and pure hearts, - a war calm and inevitable in its processes as the judgments of God."
The Christian element had greatly aided in achieving the liberties of the republic and in forming our constitutions of government; and now, as these were threatened with subversion and destruction, the Christian element again came forth with fresh and earnest life and energy to shield and save the institutions of the nation. The rebellion aimed not only to exterminate the life of a great Christian nation, but it was an attack on the Christian religion and the institutions of a Christian civilization which had grown out of it and were cherished and sustained by it. It was in harmony, therefore, with the traditional history and genius of the Christian religion that it should array its whole force against the rebellion, and rally, in its spirit and principles, to defend and support the General Government. The Christian element developed itself in two prominent ways.
The first was the infusion into the loyal heart of the nation of a profound and universal conviction of right, thus giving to the conflict the devotion and heroism of a Christian war. This fact gave to the martial enthusiasm of the people a high moral tone, inspired the armies and the navy with an indomitable and a Divine courage, impressed the acts of the national and State Governments with a religious dignity and authority, and elevated and strengthened the Christian piety and patriotism of the people. The pulpits, churches, and ecclesiastical denominations of the nation sent forth their voices to encourage and support the Government, and were the source of its hope and the right arm of its strength.
The second result of the Christian element was, and will be, to reinvigorate and recover the republic, its institutions and functions of civil government, and its political and social character, from the decay and degeneracy of national virtue, and to replenish the life of the nation with increased moral vigor and purity. This is the genius and the uniform fruits of the Christian religion. It is not only the life of a nation, but it is the only means to restore national life when impaired and enfeebled from national vices and degeneracy.
Civil war has its moral uses and results. "For civil war," says Milton, "that it is an evil I dispute not. But that it is the greatest of evils, that I stoutly deny. It doth indeed appear to the misjudging to be a worse calamity than bad government, because its miseries are collected together within a short space and time and may easily at one view be taken in and perceived. . . . When the devil of tyranny hath gone into the body politic, he departs not but with struggles, and foaming, and great convulsions. Shall he, therefore, vex it forever, lest in going out he for a moment tear and rend it?"
The civil war, though attended with many direful calamities, yet in its moral uses and results, through the prevalence and power of the Christian religion, will realize, in the future of a renovated and an ennobled nation, those other weighty words of Milton, that the American nation "has not degenerated, nor is drooping to a fatal decay, but destined, by casting off the old and wrinkled skin of corruption, to outlive these pangs and wax young again, and, entering the glorious ways of truth and prosperous virtue, become great and honorable in these latter ages. Methinks I see in my mind a great and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks. Methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full midday beam, purging and unsealing her long-abused sight at the fountain iiself of heavenly radiance, while the whole noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed at what she means, and in their envious gabble would prognosticate a year of sects and schisms."
REV. DR. BRAINERD,
Pastor of the Pine Street Presbyterian Church, the historic remembrances of which are so honorable to the Christian patriotism of its Revolutionary pastor (Rev. Mr. Duffield) and people, preached a sermon on the day of fasting and prayer appointed by the President of the United States, April 30, 1863, on "PATRIOTISM AIDING PIETY." That sermon has the following just statements on the moral and ennobling results of the great civil war of the country:-
We are also to confess the sins of our people, as did Daniel. This admission of our national sinfulness as the just cause of our national judgments does not compel us to believe that we are more guilty than other nations, nor that we have backslidden from the virtues of our fathers. Each age has its own virtues and crimes; and every age has crimes to deserve God's judgments. "Say not that the former times were better than these; for thou dost not judge wisely concerning this thing."
My impression is, that in Sabbath-keepihg, and attention to the means of grace, in efforts to diffuse universal education and the circulation of religious truth, by Bibles, tracts, churches, preaching and Sabbath-school teaching, in efforts to establish institutions for the aged, the imbecile, and the unfortunate, in endeavors to help the sailor, the prisoner, the widow and the orphan, our own age and land have developed a piety and charity not common in the world.
Indeed, I cannot avoid suspecting that this war is on our hands not because this age and people are worse than other times and men, but because we have risen to a higher principle, a holier aim, and more adhesive regard to justice and humanity.
* * * * * * *
Our war is the proper protest of justice and humanity against injustice, cruelty, and perfidy. It is the struggle of right and philanthropy against outrage, oppression, and bloody treason.
We have received from ages gone by the fruits of man's long struggles for civil and religious liberty and the right of self-government; we have received a broad, beautiful, and healthful country, to every foot of whose soil we have an equal claim as citizens; we have received a civil constitution, which embraces the concentrated wisdom of the sages of the Revolution; and we have taken up arms to declare that no traitor hand shall cut the telegraphic wire on which these blessings are passing down to other generations. The cry of humanity from ages to come has called us to this bloody strife. It is simply a defence of our own institutions.
In such a contest we are not to interpret any defeats into an impeachment of our national virtue or our cause, but rather regard them as a moral discipline through which God purifies us from remaining corruptions, to make us "perfect" for our high national mission "through sufferings."
The war has certainly unveiled an appalling amount of individual selfishness, covetousness, fraud, cowardice, and perfidy. But it has also shown in our people a pure, unselfish patriotism, developed in the pecuniary sacrifices of the rich and poor, in the devotion of their lives by hundreds of thousands of our young men, in the rich, unfailing charities, especially of our ladies, for the suffering soldiers, in the patient suffering of our martyrs in the hospital or on the battle-field. War has ennobled as well as tried us; and I must thank God to-day for the grace he has given you, as well as exhort you to be penitent for your sins.
While I say this, I still believe that our sufferings are made necessary by our sins, and that the nearer we approach to holiness the fewer will be our disasters and the more certain our triumphs.
The present chapter will record the manifold and beneficent developments of the Christian element during the progress of the civil war, and show how the Christian religion is in earnest and practical sympathy with liberty, the rights of man, and our noble system of civil government, and how our Christian republic, struggling for its life and institutions, is aided by the Christian element, and the national virtues cultivated and the people ennobled in their efforts to preserve the civil institutions of the country.
THE PRESIDENT ELECT,
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, anticipating the formidable scenes which were to open with his inauguration, felt sincerely and deeply the need of God's upholding and guiding hand in the grave responsibilities he was about to assume. When leaving his home in Springfield, Illinois, for Washington, he said,-
MY FRIENDS:- One who has never been placed in a like position cannot understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at this parting. For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. Here the most cherished ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried.
To you, my friends, I owe all that I have, all that I am. All the strange, checkered past seems to crowd now upon my mind. To-day I leave you. I go to assume a task more difficult than that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God who assisted him shall be with and aid me, I cannot prevail; but, if the same Omniscient mind and the same Almighty arm that directed and protected him shall guide and support me, I shall not fail; I shall succeed. Let us pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us now. To him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that with equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke his wisdom and guidance for me.
With these few words I must leave you, for how long I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now wish you an affectionate farewell.
On his way to Washington he was encircled in an atmosphere of prayer; and, whilst the people everywhere met to welcome him, multitudes of Christians were in earnest prayer to God for his safe journey and successful inauguration. In some cities banners were thrown across the streets with the significant motto, " We will pray for you."
On the day of his inauguration, the Christian public, impressed with the imperilled condition of the nation and for the personal safety of the President, then to assume his solemn responsibilities, met, in many places in the North, for special prayer, and continued their intercessions till after the scenes of the inauguration had closed. The only parallel to this was that of Washington. On the day of his inauguration, seventy-three years previous, all denominations of Christians in New York met, and held a season of special prayer for the new President and the Government then to be put into practical operation. Both cases were full of Christian interest and hopeful for the nation. After Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, and when the rebellion had cropped out into frightful proportions, he said that nothing encouraged him so much as to know that Christians were praying for him.
The first war-scene in the great conflict was at Fort Sumter; and it was enveloped in an atmosphere of prayer. The flag of the Union, the symbol of the nationality of the republic, was to be unfurled over the fort. The flag-staff was planted, and the banner about to be run up. As Major Anderson, the commander of the fort, and his little band of loyal soldiers, gathered round the flag-staff, they all knelt with reverence, and the chaplain led in a fervent prayer to Almighty God to protect the flag and preserve the nation. After the prayer, the banner went up and floated over the fort; but in two days it was stricken down.
Major Anderson, in describing his course while in command of Fort Sumter, says,-
God has really seemed to bless us in every important step we have taken since I have been in command. My constant appeal has been for wisdom and understanding of his Divine will, and for strength of purpose and resolution to perform my whole duty. We have been aided, too, by the prayers of our Christian friends. I humbly believe he has graciously listened to our prayers. I hope all Christians of our beloved country will continue in prayer, entreating God to have mercy on our people, to save us from our sins, and to unite us again as a people, not only in our civil Government, but one people in our love and adoration of his holy name.
I put my trust in God; and I firmly believe that God put it into my heart to do what I did. I believe, truly, that every act that was performed in that harbor from the 21st of November, when I took command, was ruled by that God whom we all should adore, and whom we must adore if we wish to do well both in this world and the next. I believe that every act done there was necessary in order to bring up the public heart to that sentiment of patriotism which now pervades throughout the North.
The spirit and power of prayer became prevalent throughout the North as the great conflict progressed. The Christian public and all serious-minded men felt that the moral influence of prayer must guide and guard the national armaments and hover over and inspire our armies. Hence, in every closet, round every family altar, in every praying circle, in the Sabbath convocation, there was an outpouring of fervent prayer that God would vindicate the cause of the Government and suppress speedily the rebellion.
The various ministers of Providence, Rhode Island, met and issued, in June, 1861, the following circular:-
To the Pastors, Churches, and Congregations of the State.
CHRISTIAN BRETHREN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:-
We, who are of different denominations, and are resident together in this city, take a liberty, which you will not count assumption, to propose to you an observance of special prayer, now, for our country. We deem the exercises of such a service entirely appropriate to the Sabbath, and the Sabbath the day of the seven for the fullest attendance upon it, and for its highest influence for good. And, hoping that if it be a little deferred it may be the more extensively and effectually observed, we name for it the third Sabbath, occurring on the 19th day, of this month, May, 1861.
We make this proposal, because you and we all believe in a special Providence, and that its most special interpositions are granted to united, effectual, fervent prayer, and because, also, our precious country now urgently needs great Divine doings for us. Already have we, more or less, betaken ourselves to the mercy-seat for these great Divine move-ments on our behalf. And, when we had scarcely stammered the timid preface to our petition, a wonder answered that will long amaze the thoughtful to adoration. Up to that moment, doubtful in ourselves and distrustful of one another, in an instant our millions leaped to their feet, a giant unit of patriotism; life and property largely offered one readiest gift for our glorious land and its best, noblest Government on earth. This is the Lord's doing; it is marvellous in our eyes. For it let our glad thanksgivings mingle and vie with all the prayer we have yet to offer on this behalf. Indeed, let us daily hold our gratitude faithful before God for each new brightening omen.
Yet we have vast needs remaining, which he only can meet. Our first infinite need is, ever devoutly to feel that he is our all in all of help, and with all our heart to be delightedly jealous for his sole honor, as being all this to us. And to so great grace we can attain only as his Spirit shall steadily move us to it. We need to know that the battle is not to the strong, except as he shall fill the measure of their needed strength every moment of their conflict unto victory. Our brave patriotism, also, he only can hold steadfast, ever growing stronger. But all our great needs he will meet, if we but duly ask, and, duly asking, also duly act. "Ask," he says," and ye shall receive." "If ye agree, it shall be done unto you."
And let us begin our requests where it so becomes sinners to begin, penitently confessing to God our own and our nation's sins, and imploring him most graciously to forgive them all, and by his Spirit most effectually to turn ourselves and our whole people from them all; we, while we so pray, turning ourselves "with full purpose of heart," in the Spirit's power, from all our Heaven-offending ways. And let us appeal to our infinite Helper that he will give complete and speedy success to the whole right in this struggle for it, and will do it in so clear lighting down of his own mighty arm that the praise shall rise from all hearts, as to him alone; and let us ask that he will so do it as chiefly to magnify peace while, if it must be, he also duly magnifies righteous war. Let us beseech him that he will ever guide and guard all our rulers, leaders, soldiers, and people; that he will greatly bless our own citizen soldiery and their homes; that he will signally, in highest mercy, revolutionize the whole mind of the South to repentance, to thorough Christian government and liberty, will also fix all minds in the North, from this time, complete and immovable in the principles of such government and liberty, and that he will wonderfully annihilate the power of Satan from this national scene of wicked, treacherous, bloody usurpation and oppression, and will issue it all in the most glorious salvation of souls by his Spirit: that all these things and far more, he will do, for the sake of his dear Son.
For so great a rescue and blessing of our country, should not our whole State, on the day set apart, be one importunate concert of the prayerful, in the closet, the family, the prayer-meeting, and the house of prayer?
Yours, for Christ and our country's cause.
In the month of May, 1861, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church (New School) met at Syracuse, New York. During their session special seasons of prayer were set apart, in which the piety and patriotism of the Assembly were delightfully developed. The following is an account of the second prayer-meeting of the Assembly:-
The second prayer-meeting, held last evening by the General Assembly in Rev. Dr. Canfield's church, was remarkable for the number of persons present, the exciting character of the exercises, and the distinguished men who participated. Rev. Dr. Jenkins, of Philadelphia, presided, and various prayers were offered and numerous addresses made. The character of all the exercises was that of earnest Christian patriotism, and the warmest love for Christ and our country. Rev. Dr. Nelson, from St. Louis, said that the recent conflict in that city between the citizens and soldiers was almost within sight of his church. He had faith in the steadfastness of the State, and did not believe she would be faithless to her duty or the Constitution. It was his conviction that God designed it as a chastisement and as a means of grace to the country. He thought the camp was now one of the most interesting fields of Christian labor, and there, he thought, might be put forth the most successful religious efforts. Thousands were first giving themselves to their country, and then to their God. He saw no reason to doubt that there would yet be an extensive camp-revival.
Rev. Mr. Emerson, from the "Pea-Patch" in Delaware, said that he had recently visited the fort in his neighborhood. He found large numbers of pious young men among the soldiers, some of whom were very active as Christians. Some who never before had manifested any interest in religion were earnest readers of the Bible. Two or three young men had proposed a prayer-meeting and the study of the Scriptures. Some of their comrades objected, but offered to compromise by having the Bible read and omitting the prayers. This was done; but it resulted in the establishment of both exercises, and some conversions. They said they had given themselves to their country, and, as they might soon be called to die for her, they had resolved to die Christians. They were having the most common soldier's fare, and sleeping upon straw, and yet they were happy and contented. He added that Delaware was loyal to the country and the Constitution, and always had been, and always would be; and, though small, she was the "Diamond" State. Delaware was the first to adopt the Coiistitution, and would be the last to desert it.
Rev. Dr. Darling, of Philadelphia, said he was delighted to hear from his brother Emerson such gratifying details from Fort Delaware. He had two of the most valued young men in his church in that fortress. Just before he left home, he saw them, and they united together in prayer. Not many days since, in Philadelphia, he stood by the bedside of the venerable Dr. Nott, who then was supposed to be on his dying bed. It was at that period when Washington City was in peril. Drums were heard, and the tramp and cheers of soldiers. The venerable man, stirred in his heart by the passing events, roused himself iip, and said, "I don't know how you young men stand this, but it almost takes the heart out of me. I saw the Constitution adopted, but I don't want to live to see it destroyed." Dr. Darling said, I see no cause for despondency. The hour of trial has come. The peril is upon us. Yet I am more proud than ever of my country. Can we expect vigor without hardships, or manhood without perils? England has passed through fiery trials, been baptized in blood, and this has made her what she is, - established her as the mistress of the world.
Rev. Asa Eaton said there was in the house, near him, a venerable man, who was nearly a century old, who had been a minister of the gospel over sixty years! He alluded to the Rev. Mr. Waldo. The venerable man, still hale and healthy, was led forward, and mounted the platform with ease and almost elasticity, although now pinety-nine years old! In a clear and almost powerful voice, with the vast audience almost hushed to stillness, he spoke a few words and then uttered a brief but most solemn, expressive prayer. He said he remembered well the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, being then thirteen years of age. He felt how important was the war, and he was only afraid then it would be over before he would be old enough to join in it. He never expected to live to see the Constitution destroyed. Nothing had ever grieved him so much as the present state of things. He knew there were lovely men at the South, good Christian men, but wicked people were now trying to ruin the country and destroy the Union. But he was glad there was unanimity North. This harmony was delightful. He was glad the Constitution was to be sustained; but one of the best ways to maintain it was through the prayers of the children of God.
Rev. Dr. Cox introduced Rev. Pastor Fische. He expressed great delight in having had his stay prolonged in this country so that he could visit this General Assembly and be present at the prayer-meeting. He arrived here in September, and had witnessed the canvass and saw all the war-movements. The Protestants of Europe are looking to your struggles with intense interest. Political and religious liberty is invoked in your efforts. If you succeed, it will be a day of rejoicing with us. You are remembered in our prayer-meetings. War is a great evil, but out of it in France has come much good. The army is the best part of the people, but yet they are aU forced soldiers. They often cut off their fingers to escape enlistmeat. Among them the Bible is studied, and this book is freely circulated. We will pray for you, and you must pray for us. Your country is a blessed country. You are the hot current which carries religious liberty and civilization everywhere.
Rev. Mr. Canfield, the pastor of the church, said some surprise had been expressed that there was no flag floating from its steeple. It was hardly necessary. It was here (patting his hand upon his heart) with him and his people. The meeting had been in session over two hours, and no one seemed willing to have it terminate. But all things must have an end, and the presiding officer, Rev. Dr. Jenkins, said it had been proposed that another meeting would be held the succeeding (Saturday) evening. "I am not certain," said he, "that these are not the best days this country ever saw." After the benediction was pronounced, the choir, accompanied by the organ and the entire audience, sang superbly the "Star-Spangled Banner.'' The entire exercises of the evening were of the most exciting, but chastened, patriotic, Christian character.
The Right Reverend Bishop Potter, of the Episcopal Church, issued the following form of prayer, to be used in the churches in his diocese:-
O Almighty God, who art a strong tower of defence to those who put their trust in thee, whose power no creature is able to resist, we make our humble cry to thee in this hour of our country's need. Thy property is always to have mercy. Deal not with us according to our sins, neither reward us according to our iniquities; but stretch forth the right hand of thy majesty, and be our defence for thy name's sake. Have pity upon our brethren who are in arms against the constituted authorities of the land, and show .them the error of their way. Shed upon the counsels of our rulers the spirit of wisdom and moderation and firmness, and unite the hearts of our people as the heart of one man in upholding the supremacy of law and the cause of justice and peace. Abate the violence of passion; banish pride and prejudice from every heart, and incline us all to trust in thy righteous providence and to be ready for every duty. And oh that in thy great mercy thou wouldst hasten the return of unity and concord to our borders, and so order all things that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations. These things, and whatever else thou shalt see to be necessary and convenient for us, we humbly beg, through the merits and mediation of Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour. Amen.
The Bishop of Minnesota issued the following pastoral letter and form of prayer:-
Faribault, April 17, 1861.
To the Clergy and Congregations of the Diocese of Minnesota.
DEAR BRETHREN:- Our beloved country is imperilled by civil war. Every thing which the Christian and patriot holds dear is in jeopardy. Our country's flag is dishonored. Our Government is defied. Our laws are broken. Bitterest hatred is kindled between sections of a common country. Brother is arrayed against brother. Every thing seems to foreshadow the most awful strife which has ever darkened our land. The duty of the Christian is plain. He must be loyal to the Government. Our only hope in this day of peril, under the protection of Almighty God, is to stand firm as loyal and law-abiding citizens. Every tie of party, friendship, and kindred sinks into insignificance before the impending danger. The lessons of our holy religion teach loyalty, - first, loyalty to God, and second, loyalty to those whom the providence of Qod has made the guardians of our country.
The duty is no less plain, as followers of Jesus Christ, to seek and pray for peace. Let us, therefore, be careful that no word or deed of ours fans the flame of discord. Let us ever have the olive-branch in our hands, and the love of God in our hearts! Let the memory of happier days tell us of the time when our fathers stood shoulder to shoulder in fighting the battles of freedom.
Disobedience to God, irreverence for his holy name and word, disloyalty to Government, and disregard of law, are the causes which have brought the nation to the verge of ruin, and of which no portion of the land is guiltless.
I earnestly beseech you, therefore, in this day of a common sorrow, to turn with all your hearts unto God. Let our churches be vocal with prayer ; let our closets witness our devotions ; let us not look to any arm of flesh, but to God, who alone can deliver us from our peril.
I hereby set forth the following prayer, to be used after the General Thanksgiving at daily morning and evening prayer.
Praying Grod to bless you all, I am your friend and bishop,
Henry B. Whipple, Bishop of Minnesota.
Prayer.
Almighty and everlasting God, our only refuge in the hour of peril, look with pity upon the desolations of our beloved country. Our sins have called for thy righteous judgments. We confess our guilt and bewail our transgressions. O Lord, in thy judgment remember mercy. Take away from us all hatred and strife. Spare us, for thy Church's sake, for the sake of thy dear Son, from the calamities of civil war which have fallen upon us. Give thy Holy Spirit to our rulers, that they may, under thy protection, save this great nation from anarchy and ruin. Preserve them from all blindness, pride, prejudice, and enmity. Give unto the people unity, a love of justice, and an understanding heart. Restrain the wrath of man, and save the effusion of blood. Bring again the blessings of peace, and grant unto us a heart to serve thee and walk before thee in holiness all the days of our life. These things, which we are not worthy to ask, we humbly beg, for the Sake of thy dear Son our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ. Amen.
The following prayer was recommended to be used by the congregations of the United Brethren:-
To the Congregations of the United Brethren in the Northern District of the United States.
We recommend that during the continuance of the present civil war the subjoined petitions be substituted for the petitions in our Church Litany designated as "to be prayed in time of war."
Your Brethren or the Provincial Elders' Conference.
Bethlehem, September 1, 1861.
O thou Almighty Lord God of Hosts, who rulest and commandest all things,
We call upon thee in this time of our trouble;
Take our cause into thine own hands:
Lord, come and help us!
Save and defend our country;
Revive in all hearts a spirit of devotion to the public good;
Fill the President of the United States with the spirit of wisdom and understanding;
Let thy Divine protection and guidance be over all who serve in council or in the field; and so rule their hearts and strengthen their hands that they may preserve to us the goodly heritage which thou gavest to our fathers;
Forgive our adversaries, and turn again their hearts toward us;
Cause us to humble ourselves under thy mighty hand, and to confess and bewail the grievous sins which have drawn these thy judgments upon us;
Turn us, God of our salvation, and cause thine anger toward us to cease;
Oh, bring this unhappy war to a speedy end, and let a just and lasting peace be soon again established, to the glory of thy name.
Hear us, gracious Lord and God.
Thou Helper of all who flee to thee for succor,
We commend to thy almighty care and protection all those who have gone forth in our defence;
Guard them, we beseech thee, from the dangers that beset their way; from sickness, from the violence of enemies, and from every peril to which they may be exposed ;
Give them comfort in every time of their need, and a sure confidence in thee; and of thy great goodness restore them to us, in due time, in health and safety.
Hear us, gracious Lord and God.
Bishop Purcell, of the Catholic Church, in the Diocese of Cincinnati, issued the following pastoral circular:-
To the Right Reverend Prelates, the Very Reverend and Reverend Clergy, and beloved Laity of the Province of Cincinnati.
Beloved Brethren and Fellow-Servants or Christ:-
The Ecclesiastical Council of the province convenes in this city tomorrow. It convenes under such circumstances as were never before witnessed in this glorious republic since the proud day when it won its high rank among the nations of the earth. The hearts of citizens and friends are Alienated. The hands of brothers are raised to shed each others' life-blood. The iron bands of our highways, which we once fondly hoped would link us in indissoluble union, and the noble rivers which bear the rich products of our lands and the creations of our sciences and arts to our respective marts and homes, have failed to keep us, what God and our fathers intended we should be, one people.
In the midst of the most formidable preparations of our fellow-citizens for mutual destruction, the Church, in her peaceful meeting, gives us a glimpse of the peace of the heavenly Jerusalem. She renews the blessings of the "Truce of God." We pray God that hostilities may cease, that wiser and better counsels may prevail, and that the great heart of this magnificent land which our Council represents - the States of Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Michigan - may send its throbbing pulses of fraternal love to the most distant extremities of our common country. We ought to be one people. We are all the children of the same God, whom we should worship in peace; we pray for all and love all in spirit and in truth. May the Spirit of Peace, the Comforter, sent us by Jesus Christ, descend as the dove, to breathe holy desires and righteous counsels into every heart, and dispose the minds of Catholics and Protestants to see in each other not enemies, but brethren, and that all may work with willing hands and hearts for the tranquillity and glory of our common country.
J. B. Purcell, Archbishop of Cincinnati.
"There has probably been more prayer," said a religious paper, "offered for this country, within the last twelve months, than in all the years before since the war of the Revolution. And it is now being answered. In fact, our successes began at the point of our lowest humiliation, and have continued to advance ever since. In our darkest hour we had to fall back upon the moral convictions which lie at the foundation of our system, - the Divine right of liberty and popular government, and the necessity of Providential protection for the triumph of the right. When we hardly believed that we any longer had a Government, when the nation was reeling with the public confusion and the fear that our whole system was collapsing, the conviction arose strong in the religious mind that God would not, could not, give it over to destruction; for, notwithstanding its great corruptions, it was full of churches and other institutions of faith and beneficence; it had millions of praying people; it had momentous connections with the foreign interests of religion and civilization. It appeared impossible that God could cast it away while thus intimately related to his general kingdom in the world. And, then, its history was apparently but begun; not only had its career been comparatively brief in time, but, great as had been its advances in industry, invention, commerce, education, it had evidently only begun to develop its vigor and resources.
"It became the general sense that we were passing through an ordeal of purification rather than destruction. A profound moral feeling began to pervade the sorrow-stricken mind of the country. Good men betook themselves to importunate prayer. Public fasts were observed; religious assemblies were held in behalf of the country. Almost every pulpit discussed public affairs from a religious stand-point; our social religious occasions soon became characterized by a profound sympathy with, and supplications for, the public interest; our family prayers were burdened with the same theme; and millions of devout men and women mourned in their closets of devotion over the national sins and perils.
"Never since the American Revolution have the masses of the American people entertained so general and impressive a conviction of God's overruling providence in human affairs as at the present time.
"Never before have so many earnest hearts been lifted in prayer, night and day, to the God of battles as now, - mothers praying for their sons, sisters for their brothers, wives for their husbands. Never in the thousands of Christian pulpits of the free States has the gospel been more earnestly, broadly, and fervently preached than during the present moral crisis of the age. It is the testimony of many ministers that the exercise of public prayer in the sanctuary - sprayer for the outpouring of God's Spirit upon the people, for victories to our armies, for the binding up of wounded hearts at home, for the sick languishing in hospitals, for the Divine guidance of the President and all others in authority - never has been more impressive, hearty, and touching than in these very Sabbath days whose quietude has been disturbed by the echoes of war.
"Can any one doubt that the prevailing moral tone of the public mind is constantly improving? Every day witnesses the cheering growth of a general sentiment favoring liberty and justice, prompting to individual self-sacrifice, inspiring a courageous spirit among the masses, kindling a general zeal of patriotism, and maintaining a cheerful faith that God will give final victory to the right.
"The religious spirit of the nation, instead of decaying, is daily making men's hearts more reverent, more humble, more courageous, and more worthy of our first national heritage of liberty, which God is now a second time purifying by fire!"
The President of the United States, by a joint resolution of request from Congress, issued, on the 12th day of August, 1861, a proclamation appointing the last Thursday of September ensuing " as a day of humiliation, prayer, and fasting, ... to the end that the united prayers of the nation may ascend to the throne of grace and bring down plentiful blessings upon our own country." The proclamation will be found in a former chapter of this volume. The day was devoutly observed throughout the loyal States and in the capital of the nation, and exerted a healthful religious influence upon the people.
THE ACTION OF THE VARIOUS CHRISTIAN DENOMINATIONS ON THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY.
THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL NEW YORK CONFERENCE, March, 1861.
Whereas an attack has been made on the flag of our country, in violation of the public peace, and threatening the existence of our Government, - and whereas we love peace and are the ministers of the Prince of peace, yet hold it to be the duty of all men to love their country and to cherish freedom, and especially in times of peril to offer our civil rulers our aid and sympathy: therefore,
Resolved, That we do here and now declare our earnest and entire sympathy with the cause of our country in this conflict, and our purpose to use all means legitimate to our calling to sustain the Government of the United States in defence and support of the Constitution and the nation's welfare.
Resolved, That, in duty bound, we will not cease to pray in public and in private for the Divine blessing upon our country, for the suppreesion of rebellion, and the speedy restoration of peace, especially beseeching Almighty God that, if in his justice he chastise us, his mercies may so temper his wrath that we may not be wholly destroyed.
ERIE ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF PENNSYLVANIA, APRIL, 1861.
Resolved, That, in its prompt and vigorous efforts to preserve the Union, and suppress rebellion and treason, the Government at Washington shall have our earnest sympathy and prayers, our hearty approval and co-operation.